Rebuilding trust in the Roman Catholic Church amongst youth

The election of Jorge Bergoglio to the position of pope in 2013 marked a significant turning point in the political position of the holder of the highest office in the Roman Catholic Church (RCC). Whilst under Benedict XVI, the Vatican had favoured an approach that aligned more with conservative ideas, based on the view that ‘it was better to have a smaller church that would pass on the faith undiluted’, Pope Francis’ ascendancy to the position of pontiff led to a change in attitudes on both issues such as LGBT rights and celibacy, and phenomena like the refugee crisis, economic inequality, and climate change.[1] [2] [3] [4] [5]

The move towards a more progressive position led by Francis’ election comes at a time where the RCC has seen a continued decline in its number of adherents in various European nations. Amato’s study, entitled ‘Catholicism and Secularism in Contemporary Europe’, described this process with the term ‘euro-secularism’, referring to the theories that explain the different processes that have led to this major demographic change.[6] This process of ‘euro-secularism’ has been accompanied by a reduction of the influence of the RCC in the political and social spheres, most notably in countries where once the Church had played a key role as a voice of moral authority. This was evident during Ireland’s 2018 abortion referendum where 66.4% voted to pass legalisation of abortion despite the clear opposition of the Church, a development which led two Irish bishops to comment publicly that there had been a ‘dramatic reversal’ of the Church’s power in the nation.[7] Likewise, in 2005, Spain, a nation where the RCC had maintained a central political role during much of the 20th century, became just the second country in Europe to legalise same-sex marriage, despite fierce opposition from many Catholic bishops.[8] 

Therefore, with the Church’s political and social influence having been in decline it is important to consider to what extent Bergoglio's relatively liberal positions will serve to elevate or undermine the Church’s role in the politics of the coming decades. To understand this, it is particularly important to focus on how Pope Francis’ positions will be seen by the youngest generations of Europeans who over the coming decades will take up positions of power and face most directly many of the problems which Bergoglio warns about today. Given that the youth are less likely than ever before to be active participants in Roman Catholicism, this article seeks to analyse how will the Church be seen by both followers and non-followers across Europe in the coming decades.[9] To do this, it is useful to focus on two issues in particular and see how Francis' comments and actions align or do not align with the views of young Europeans.

LGBT rights

The question of LGBT rights demonstrates a key example in understanding whether or not Pope Francis’ comparatively liberal positions will help the Church to build greater support among young people or whether it will only deepen divisions amongst Catholics both in domestic national contexts and international debate. In various Western European nations, there is a clear majority of young people who support full equality for LGBT people, including on the question of same-sex marriage. Polling by Statista showed that in Spain, 93% of young adults (18-34 years old) were in favour of same-sex marriage, in Ireland it was 80%, Germany 85%, and Italy 73%.[10]

Since becoming pope, Francis has made various comments that have distanced himself from the overt condemnation of Benedict, for example stating that in his view being homosexual is ‘not a sin’. [11]Although not in favour of gay marriage, Francis’ softening of the rhetoric of the Vatican on LGBT issues evidently brings the Church at least closer to the views of young people in many Western European nations. However, whilst the leadership from the Vatican has moved away from direct attacks on LGBT people and rights, senior Catholic figures and politicians from Eastern Europe have demonstrated that they are not necessarily going to follow this lead. This was most clearly evident during the 2020 Polish Presidential election, where Andrej Duda of the populist Law and Justice party made anti-LGBT rhetoric a key part of his re-election campaign.

Although not directly interfering in the election campaign, Duda’s decision to place anti-LGBT rhetoric at the centre of his attempt to appeal to Poles had much in common with comments made by senior Roman Catholic figures in the nation over the previous years. Perhaps the most notable of these were comments from the Archbishop of Krakow, Marek Jędraszewski, who used an address to mark the religious holiday of Corpus Christi in July 2020 to compare the “LGBT ideology” to communism, Nazism, and the plague.[12] This conservative perspective on the campaign for LGBT rights demonstrates the challenge that Francis faces in seeking to soften the position of the RCC on the issue. Whilst in Poland, 50% of young people stated that they were in favour of gay marriage, the number was significantly lower in Bulgaria (32%) and Romania (34%). As the 21st century progresses, it appears that rather than lead to a universal agreement amongst Europeans about the elevation of LGBT rights, the RCC will have to accept the reality that in different nations there will be distinctly different opinions on the issue, and that the leadership from the Vatican may not be able to count on all of its representatives to follow the same line.[13]

Migration and refugees

Similar to the division seen on the issue of LGBT rights, Pope Francis’ positions on migration also represent the challenges that the Vatican faces in creating a new moral narrative that can be applied across the Catholic world. One of the first things Pope Francis did after ascending to the position of pontiff was to visit the island of Lampedusa where many migrants attempting to reach Italy across the Mediterranean are first processed.[14] Since then he has made empathy and compassion for both migrants and refugees a key part of his platform as pontiff.

In certain Western European countries, polling shows that this empathetic view towards migration places the Vatican in line with many young people. For example, in Germany, 73% of 15-24 year olds responded ‘Yes’ when asked ‘should your country grant asylum to refugees?’[15] Therefore, when looking at how Pope Francis’ politics towards migration would be received in Germany, it seems that the Vatican would be in line with many younger people. However, Francis’ positions on migration have also led to conflict with populist politicians who themselves have used their Catholicism as part of their political appeal. This has led to direct confrontation between Francis’ words on migration and the positions of both Santiago Abascal, the leader of the far-right VOX party in Spain, and Matteo Salvini’s Lega party in Italy.[16] [17] This confrontation undermines the sense that Pope Francis is capable of setting a moral narrative which all adherents of the faith then subsequently follow when politicians who are themselves Catholics argue for the complete opposite of what the pontiff supports.

In terms of how this moral narrative will be affected in the future, the same polls that showed a large majority in favour of granting asylum to refugees in Germany also show much greater scepticism in Eastern Europe, with just 25% in favour in Poland and 29% in Czechia. Therefore, differences between nations and regions remain clear and are likely to persist into the next few decades.[18] With the effects of climate change likely to force even greater migration to Europe in the next few decades, the challenge of the balancing act that the Church faces between showing compassion and aligning with the more progressive politics of young people in countries such as Germany whilst still not alienating those who fear the effects of multiculturalism in their societies is clear.[19]

What will the Catholic Church of the next few decades look like?

By looking at the issues of migration and refugees and LGBT rights, it is evident that simply making comments that reflect a more progressive position from the Vatican will not by itself have the effect of transforming the views of citizens of historically Catholic countries across Europe. As has always been the case, the RCC exists within both wider global and specific national contexts and will have to adapt to the times it lives in. However, with the declining number of adherents in various countries, the Vatican must now accept that far from being the leading moral authority on many political and social issues, it is just one voice amongst many.

Yet, this reality may not necessarily be all bad news for the leadership of the Church going forwards. With fewer practicing Catholics, perhaps the Vatican will have greater freedom to speak out on issues which it sees as important and contribute to debate between people of different perspectives, rather than face the pressure of trying, and often struggling, to speak for all people in every Catholic country in the world.